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'Why I left the JLP'
Dabdoub says big men have bought out Bustamante's party
Observer Reporter
Wednesday, March 29, 2006
DABDOUB. JLP no longer subscribes to the philosophy upon which it was founded
In the wake of his resignation from the Opposition Jamaica Labour Party (JLP), embattled Member of Parliament for North East St Catherine, Abe Dabdoub, outlines his reasons for leaving the party. Below is his very telling explanation.
My resignation from the Jamaica Labour Party has given rise to wild speculation and uninformed statements by various persons, including columnists and radio talk show hosts. Some columnists have written authoritatively as to my reasons without seeking to speak with me prior to writing their "informed" pieces. Let me assure the public that there is more than one reason for my decision to resign from the party. I am prepared to state some of them, but others I will allow to remain outside the public domain.
Apart from a discussion on the Breakfast Club, I have refrained from making any written or public statements as I wished to avoid "cass cass". However, I find it necessary to publicly state some, if not all, of my reasons in order that the public may make a reasoned rather than an emotional judgment.
My decision to resign did not come lightly. I have been a long-standing supporter and member of the Jamaica Labour Party for 45 years, serving in different capacities from the time of the 1961 Referendum. Bustamante's and Seaga's strong and forthright leadership have always been a source of inspiration to me in my political as well as private life.
GOLDING. left the JLP to form the NDM but returned to the JLP as leader
Under Mr Shearer's and Mr Seaga's leadership, I was very active in the party, being one of the founding members of Young Jamaica of which I was president for a number of years. I represented party members and the party itself in legal matters, including election petitions, the state of emergency inquiry, Green Bay Inquest, Massop Inquest, the Caribbean Court of Justice case, and served for many years on the Electoral Advisory Committee. I have been an indoor agent, field organiser, councillor, senator and Member of Parliament for North East St Catherine.
I have had, from time to time, disagreements with the leadership of the party, including the former leader, the Most Honourable Edward Seaga, as well as other officers of the party. These disagreements, however, were never based on personalities but were always rooted in matters of principle. I have never done anything to undermine the leadership of the party or the democratic principles to which I subscribe.
Operations manual thrown out the window
For many years, I and others such as Mike Henry and Ryan Peralto have fought for the democratisation of the party to ensure that all members have the same rights, are protected from abuse of power by the elected leaders of the party and able to express their opinions without fear of recrimination.
Much success was achieved over the period with the coming into force of the operations manual, which is part of the party's Constitution. These amendments set fair and transparent procedures in selecting and removing delegates, caretakers and candidates and do not leave it to the whim and fancy of leadership. Recent events in dealing with the North East St Catherine constituency indicate that all this has been thrown through the window.
There are those who wish to comfort themselves by feeling that I resigned as I would not survive a challenge by Gregory Mair. That is not among my reasons for resignation. Mair's activities in the constituency over a two-year period were contrary to party constitutional procedures, encouraged by the leadership of the party, and could have been challenged in court.
The Dispute Resolution Committee of the Party unanimously agreed that the leadership had gone about dealing with Mr Mair's application improperly and contrary to the party's constitution. The leadership, not being satisfied with the decision of the Dispute Resolution Committee, sought to ignore it by requesting an opinion from the Legal and Constitutional Committee. This committee also gave an opinion supportive of the fact that the party's Constitution was breached by the leadership.
The leadership undermined the constituency by allowing Mair over a two-year period to launch a campaign of mischievous propaganda alleging that the conditions of the roads were evidence of poor representation by their member of parliament. The reality is that the roads were damaged by floods and hurricanes and not restricted to my constituency.
Government was unable to provide funds for the necessary repairs but I continued to make representations for the repairs.
'I could have stayed'
Had I wished to remain in the Jamaica Labour Party I could have simply filed a claim in the Supreme Court and obtained an injunction restraining the party from taking any action until the trial of the dispute between the leadership and me. The country will recall this is exactly what Pearnel Charles did when Bruce Golding attempted something similar after the Gang of Five dispute. Any claim brought would not be tried for at least two to three years, by which time we would have had another general election in which the party would have to allow me to contest as JLP candidate.
It is clear to even the uninformed that I could have remained in the seat as a JLP candidate without having to face a challenge. My resignation has everything to do, however, with whether I consider in the best interests of the country, the JLP, under its present leadership, to be fit and proper to entrust with the governance of Jamaica.
The Jamaica Labour Party was founded on principles and policies designed to ensure equal opportunity for all through the parliamentary democratic system of governance. These guaranteed the rights and freedoms of all whilst providing for the upliftment of the underprivileged and working class. They allowed inclusion rather than exclusion from the system of governance of all Jamaicans, regardless of status or wealth. The Jamaica Labour Party was therefore never an elitist party.
There are those who advocate constitutional amendments to provide for a presidential system of governance in which the ministers of government are not elected by the people but selected by an elected president or prime minister. They continually seek to convince the country to accept such a system on the basis of the concept of "separation of powers" which they claim does not exist in Jamaica's present system of governance.
I do not intend to get into a debate on the matter but our present system of governance, as guaranteed by our Constitution, does enshrine the doctrine of separation of powers. Our House of Representatives is elected and our Senate appointed and together they comprise our Legislature or Parliament (See Chapter V). The independence of our Judiciary is guaranteed by our Constitution (See Chapter VII). Under our Constitution the queen is head of state, the governor-general being her representative. The Cabinet, which comprises the prime minister and ministers of government, is the principal instrument of policy and charged with the general direction and control of the Government of Jamaica and is collectively responsible to Parliament (See Chapter VI). Both the Parliament and the Judiciary are independent of each other and of the Cabinet.
Wealthy men promised $120-m but coughed up only $6-m
The present leader of the Jamaica Labour Party, it is to be recalled, resigned from the party and gave as his reasons the refusal of the party to accept that the Constitution of Jamaica be amended to provide for a presidential system of governance where the president was elected and the ministers selected by him from persons who were not elected to the House of Representatives or appointed to the Senate.
He argued that there should be clear lines of demarcation between the Executive (president and ministers who were not elected), the Judiciary and the Legislature. The majority of JLP members, including myself, strongly articulated the retention of the present Constitution with amendments to balance the powers of Parliament and the Executive. The NDM, which contested the 1997 General Elections on the Golding platform, did not even win one seat, including that of its leader.
In 2002, certain extremely wealthy members of the business community undertook to the then leader of the Jamaica Labour Party to contribute to the party the princely sum of $120 million to contest the 2002 general elections in return for the party accepting Bruce Golding back into its fold. A Memorandum of Understanding designed to save face for Bruce Golding was brought to the party and accepted on that basis.
History has now recorded that these extremely wealthy individuals reneged on their promises and the Jamaica Labour Party received a total of approximately $6 million of this sum. I challenge anyone to dispute this fact. These same persons were among those who provided the money which enabled an anti-Seaga campaign culminating in Bruce Golding becoming leader of the Jamaica Labour Party.
These two events have me firmly convinced that the Jamaica Labour Party, if it ever becomes government under its present leadership, will not pursue JLP policies designed towards achieving the upliftment of the underprivileged and working class but will cater to policies designed for the betterment of those whose money has paid for the leadership of the party. It is therefore with justification that I firmly believe that the party has been captured.
Ever since Mr Golding became leader of the JLP, there has been, in my view, a focused effort to have the party adopt the constitutional reform policies of the NDM, or some modified version of it. I myself was invited to only two meetings of the party since Golding's uncontested ascendancy to leadership of the party and on both those occasions the discussions were on Constitutional Reform.
Mike Henry not the one who 'broke Bustamante's finger'
At the last meeting earlier this year, the "gentlemanly" general-secretary attempted to put the memorandum of understanding before the meeting in an effort to have the meeting agree that the question of separation of powers be put to the electorate within two years of the JLP becoming government. Mr Mike Henry, much to his credit, objected to this on the basis that the party had already decided that issue. Mr Samuda referred to those not in agreement with him and ostensibly with Mr Golding as a "bunch of jokers", which occasioned a volatile response from Mr Henry who reminded Mr Samuda that he, Mike Henry, had never left the JLP and formed another party nor had he "broken Bustamante's finger".
Those currently controlling the party are of the opinion that the question of Constitutional Reform is the most important matter to be placed on the party's agenda. They consider it as necessary to give Golding the credibility they feel he so badly needs for the JLP to win an election.
I came to the conclusion that there was no point in fighting to remain in a political party which no longer subscribed to the philosophy upon which it was founded. I cannot continue to support a party which has lost its focus and whose leadership is intent on achieving power at any cost.
I intend to continue to serve my country. I continue to sit as an Independent member of parliament and will be taking such steps as I consider necessary in the interest of Jamaica to ensure the preservation of democracy and the independence of our political parties.
Talk Back
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Dabdoub says big men have bought out Bustamante's party
Observer Reporter
Wednesday, March 29, 2006
DABDOUB. JLP no longer subscribes to the philosophy upon which it was founded
In the wake of his resignation from the Opposition Jamaica Labour Party (JLP), embattled Member of Parliament for North East St Catherine, Abe Dabdoub, outlines his reasons for leaving the party. Below is his very telling explanation.
My resignation from the Jamaica Labour Party has given rise to wild speculation and uninformed statements by various persons, including columnists and radio talk show hosts. Some columnists have written authoritatively as to my reasons without seeking to speak with me prior to writing their "informed" pieces. Let me assure the public that there is more than one reason for my decision to resign from the party. I am prepared to state some of them, but others I will allow to remain outside the public domain.
Apart from a discussion on the Breakfast Club, I have refrained from making any written or public statements as I wished to avoid "cass cass". However, I find it necessary to publicly state some, if not all, of my reasons in order that the public may make a reasoned rather than an emotional judgment.
My decision to resign did not come lightly. I have been a long-standing supporter and member of the Jamaica Labour Party for 45 years, serving in different capacities from the time of the 1961 Referendum. Bustamante's and Seaga's strong and forthright leadership have always been a source of inspiration to me in my political as well as private life.
GOLDING. left the JLP to form the NDM but returned to the JLP as leader
Under Mr Shearer's and Mr Seaga's leadership, I was very active in the party, being one of the founding members of Young Jamaica of which I was president for a number of years. I represented party members and the party itself in legal matters, including election petitions, the state of emergency inquiry, Green Bay Inquest, Massop Inquest, the Caribbean Court of Justice case, and served for many years on the Electoral Advisory Committee. I have been an indoor agent, field organiser, councillor, senator and Member of Parliament for North East St Catherine.
I have had, from time to time, disagreements with the leadership of the party, including the former leader, the Most Honourable Edward Seaga, as well as other officers of the party. These disagreements, however, were never based on personalities but were always rooted in matters of principle. I have never done anything to undermine the leadership of the party or the democratic principles to which I subscribe.
Operations manual thrown out the window
For many years, I and others such as Mike Henry and Ryan Peralto have fought for the democratisation of the party to ensure that all members have the same rights, are protected from abuse of power by the elected leaders of the party and able to express their opinions without fear of recrimination.
Much success was achieved over the period with the coming into force of the operations manual, which is part of the party's Constitution. These amendments set fair and transparent procedures in selecting and removing delegates, caretakers and candidates and do not leave it to the whim and fancy of leadership. Recent events in dealing with the North East St Catherine constituency indicate that all this has been thrown through the window.
There are those who wish to comfort themselves by feeling that I resigned as I would not survive a challenge by Gregory Mair. That is not among my reasons for resignation. Mair's activities in the constituency over a two-year period were contrary to party constitutional procedures, encouraged by the leadership of the party, and could have been challenged in court.
The Dispute Resolution Committee of the Party unanimously agreed that the leadership had gone about dealing with Mr Mair's application improperly and contrary to the party's constitution. The leadership, not being satisfied with the decision of the Dispute Resolution Committee, sought to ignore it by requesting an opinion from the Legal and Constitutional Committee. This committee also gave an opinion supportive of the fact that the party's Constitution was breached by the leadership.
The leadership undermined the constituency by allowing Mair over a two-year period to launch a campaign of mischievous propaganda alleging that the conditions of the roads were evidence of poor representation by their member of parliament. The reality is that the roads were damaged by floods and hurricanes and not restricted to my constituency.
Government was unable to provide funds for the necessary repairs but I continued to make representations for the repairs.
'I could have stayed'
Had I wished to remain in the Jamaica Labour Party I could have simply filed a claim in the Supreme Court and obtained an injunction restraining the party from taking any action until the trial of the dispute between the leadership and me. The country will recall this is exactly what Pearnel Charles did when Bruce Golding attempted something similar after the Gang of Five dispute. Any claim brought would not be tried for at least two to three years, by which time we would have had another general election in which the party would have to allow me to contest as JLP candidate.
It is clear to even the uninformed that I could have remained in the seat as a JLP candidate without having to face a challenge. My resignation has everything to do, however, with whether I consider in the best interests of the country, the JLP, under its present leadership, to be fit and proper to entrust with the governance of Jamaica.
The Jamaica Labour Party was founded on principles and policies designed to ensure equal opportunity for all through the parliamentary democratic system of governance. These guaranteed the rights and freedoms of all whilst providing for the upliftment of the underprivileged and working class. They allowed inclusion rather than exclusion from the system of governance of all Jamaicans, regardless of status or wealth. The Jamaica Labour Party was therefore never an elitist party.
There are those who advocate constitutional amendments to provide for a presidential system of governance in which the ministers of government are not elected by the people but selected by an elected president or prime minister. They continually seek to convince the country to accept such a system on the basis of the concept of "separation of powers" which they claim does not exist in Jamaica's present system of governance.
I do not intend to get into a debate on the matter but our present system of governance, as guaranteed by our Constitution, does enshrine the doctrine of separation of powers. Our House of Representatives is elected and our Senate appointed and together they comprise our Legislature or Parliament (See Chapter V). The independence of our Judiciary is guaranteed by our Constitution (See Chapter VII). Under our Constitution the queen is head of state, the governor-general being her representative. The Cabinet, which comprises the prime minister and ministers of government, is the principal instrument of policy and charged with the general direction and control of the Government of Jamaica and is collectively responsible to Parliament (See Chapter VI). Both the Parliament and the Judiciary are independent of each other and of the Cabinet.
Wealthy men promised $120-m but coughed up only $6-m
The present leader of the Jamaica Labour Party, it is to be recalled, resigned from the party and gave as his reasons the refusal of the party to accept that the Constitution of Jamaica be amended to provide for a presidential system of governance where the president was elected and the ministers selected by him from persons who were not elected to the House of Representatives or appointed to the Senate.
He argued that there should be clear lines of demarcation between the Executive (president and ministers who were not elected), the Judiciary and the Legislature. The majority of JLP members, including myself, strongly articulated the retention of the present Constitution with amendments to balance the powers of Parliament and the Executive. The NDM, which contested the 1997 General Elections on the Golding platform, did not even win one seat, including that of its leader.
In 2002, certain extremely wealthy members of the business community undertook to the then leader of the Jamaica Labour Party to contribute to the party the princely sum of $120 million to contest the 2002 general elections in return for the party accepting Bruce Golding back into its fold. A Memorandum of Understanding designed to save face for Bruce Golding was brought to the party and accepted on that basis.
History has now recorded that these extremely wealthy individuals reneged on their promises and the Jamaica Labour Party received a total of approximately $6 million of this sum. I challenge anyone to dispute this fact. These same persons were among those who provided the money which enabled an anti-Seaga campaign culminating in Bruce Golding becoming leader of the Jamaica Labour Party.
These two events have me firmly convinced that the Jamaica Labour Party, if it ever becomes government under its present leadership, will not pursue JLP policies designed towards achieving the upliftment of the underprivileged and working class but will cater to policies designed for the betterment of those whose money has paid for the leadership of the party. It is therefore with justification that I firmly believe that the party has been captured.
Ever since Mr Golding became leader of the JLP, there has been, in my view, a focused effort to have the party adopt the constitutional reform policies of the NDM, or some modified version of it. I myself was invited to only two meetings of the party since Golding's uncontested ascendancy to leadership of the party and on both those occasions the discussions were on Constitutional Reform.
Mike Henry not the one who 'broke Bustamante's finger'
At the last meeting earlier this year, the "gentlemanly" general-secretary attempted to put the memorandum of understanding before the meeting in an effort to have the meeting agree that the question of separation of powers be put to the electorate within two years of the JLP becoming government. Mr Mike Henry, much to his credit, objected to this on the basis that the party had already decided that issue. Mr Samuda referred to those not in agreement with him and ostensibly with Mr Golding as a "bunch of jokers", which occasioned a volatile response from Mr Henry who reminded Mr Samuda that he, Mike Henry, had never left the JLP and formed another party nor had he "broken Bustamante's finger".
Those currently controlling the party are of the opinion that the question of Constitutional Reform is the most important matter to be placed on the party's agenda. They consider it as necessary to give Golding the credibility they feel he so badly needs for the JLP to win an election.
I came to the conclusion that there was no point in fighting to remain in a political party which no longer subscribed to the philosophy upon which it was founded. I cannot continue to support a party which has lost its focus and whose leadership is intent on achieving power at any cost.
I intend to continue to serve my country. I continue to sit as an Independent member of parliament and will be taking such steps as I consider necessary in the interest of Jamaica to ensure the preservation of democracy and the independence of our political parties.
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