cancious blakk peeps london protest qwestians

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wan aff de reason y mii tarted fe poas again wass de escalation aff racism dat wass a gawn london. mii neva like oww peeps wass a spin de bobbies killinn aff innacent blakk man. de furst day mii cum pon yah ann see awl dem tredd dat try fe demonize ann stereotype da blakk man as a criminal mii knew fiyah add fe bunn

mii tell oonno da de rumour wass dat armed bobbies stapp wan taxi ann at gun pint arder de men fe gitt out. wild de men were tandinn outside aff de taxi wan aff de bobby weapon discharge ann strike annada bobby walkee talkee. itt wass wen da blakk man start laffinn att dem keystone boobby follies dat dem kill imm. dat wass da rumour floatinn bout

now de bobby release a affical report dat de blakk man wass unarmed wen imm was struck twice ann killed bye de bobbys

nexx imm peeps didd wan peaceful protest to da bobby station wear da bobbys saw dem protestinn fe tree hours outside ann de bobby neva met widd da peaceful protestors.

diss iss wear itt gitt intarestinn wild da protestar were headinn home itt wass reported dat de booby attakked wan sixteen ear old blakk gurl ann stomped pon her wild shi wass onn de ground. de peeps start fe tell dem fe stapp cah shi wass a young gurl ann dat wass de reason y peeps started fe riot.

furst qwestian y cancious blall peeps neva link upp da utube video aff dat blakk gurl gittinn stomped cah dat wass reason y peeps tart fe riot?

secand qwestian y so manee blakk peeps automaicallee tink dat de blakk man dat got killed was a criminal?

ear iss da qwestian fe real cancious blakk peeps. sum blakk peeps pon yah were more cancern bout propertee damages dan de realitee dat bobby killed wan innacent blakk man. mii mean even x-man poas wan beefour ann aftah ting. mii neva click itt cah to mii dat a way fe devalue blakk peeps life

soo tell mii y soo manee blakk peeps care more bout propertee damage dan de life aff a fellow blakk?

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Re: cancious blakk peeps london protest qwestians

CLAIMS: Community members say that riot was started when police attacked a 16-year-old girl at a march protesting the death of 29-year-old man shot dead by police, above

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Re: cancious blakk peeps london protest qwestians

SENIOR MET OFFICER Steve Kavanagh has hit back at claims that officers, patrolling a peaceful protest in Tottenham on Saturday (Aug 6), attacked a 16-year-old girl, sparking violent riots in the north London borough.

The unidentified female is believed to have thrown a stone at a line of officers outside Tottenham police station during a march protesting the death of a 29-year-old Mark Duggan shot by police earlier in the week (Aug 4).

It is claimed that officers then hit the teen in the face with a baton before she was knocked to the ground, which angered the crowd.

In the minutes to follow two police cars were set on fire, which then sparked further violence and looting.

Asked about the rumors, Kavanagh said: “If that girl does exist, she hasn’t come forward.”

He added: “If the story is true then it will be investigated by the IPCC [independent police complaints commission] and the police to get to the bottom of it. It might be a folk tale, but we do not know yet.”

Footage of the alleged incident has emerged on the Internet, which shows onlookers screaming: “she’s a girl”, while another voice urges the crowd to “get” the police.

The teen is yet to come forward.

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Re: cancious blakk peeps london protest qwestians

The London Riots in Historical Perspective
Policing the Crisis

By ASHLEY DAWSON

The conflagration currently consuming London and other cities in the English Midlands is generating much heated debate. Little of this commentary demonstrates much of a sense of history.

Authorities such as Prime Minister David Cameron and London mayor Boris Johnson have, for example, been quick to condemn what they and significant segments of the mainstream British media represent as the wanton lawlessness of the ‘rioters.’ Metropolitan Police commander Adrian Hanstock condemned the riots as “absolutely unacceptable” on August 7, saying that a peaceful demonstration had been hijacked by a small number of “criminal elements” using it for their own gain. Racial and class stereotypes about the character of the rioters are not so carefully hidden behind these denunciations.

In the face of these stereotypes, it’s worth remembering that the riots began on Saturday following a nonviolent community demonstration outside a Metropolitan Police Service (MPS) station in the North London neighborhood of Tottenham. This demonstration was organized to demand justice following the death of Mark Duggan, a young Black Briton shot by the police during a planned operation. The London police initially reported that Duggan had fired on them, but subsequent reports by the Independent Police Complaints Commission have revealed that a bullet lodged in a police radio was in fact issued by the Metropolitan Police Service.

The killing of Duggan took place within the context of Operation Trident, a special arm of the MPS established in 1998 to investigate gun crime in London’s black communities. More recently, the MPS launched Operation Razorback in order to crack down on “troublemakers” planning to attend this year’s carnival in Notting Hill. As British activist Darcus Howe explained in a recent interview, these police operations come on top of a broader transformation in police-community relations facilitated by the war on terror that has allowed the police to engage in unimpeded stop, search, and arrest operations in Britain’s Black communities.

Despite the fact that most British police do not carry guns, being arrested in the UK is no joke. As Caroline Davies reported in an article earlier this year, 333 people have died in or following police custody in the UK over the last eleven years; not a single member of the police has been convicted for any of these deaths.

This pattern of police dragnets in Black communities has deep historical roots. As I discuss in my book Mongrel Nation, Black communities were targeted during the 1970s and 1980s by very similar special operations. In 1981, for example, Operation Swamp deployed huge numbers of police into the predominantly Black neighborhood of Brixton in South London. Margaret Thatcher’s conservative government oversaw the revival of Victorian “sus” laws that allowed police to detain anyone who they suspected might be either breaking or about to break the law. Not surprisingly, young Black men were disproportionately targeted, and a significant number of deaths in police custody ensued. In 1981, riots broke out in Brixton and quickly spread to Black, Asian, and white working class neighborhoods of cities such as Birmingham and Manchester.

Exactly the same pattern is repeating itself today. Given this fact, it’s worth remembering how these uprisings were framed at the time. The most trenchant account of urban unrest of the time, Policing the Crisis, suggested that urban “criminality” needed to be placed in the context of the organic crisis of the British state and society. For Stuart Hall and his fellow contributors, public fears about “mugging” (which anticipated and legitimated draconian tactics such as Operation Swamp that sparked the Brixton riots) were a moral panic that condensed much broader fears and redirected those fears onto the scapegoated figure of the “immigrant.” For the contributors to Policing the Crisis, that is, fears about crime helped authorities contain a much broader crisis in Britain.

What was the nature of this crisis? By the 1970s, the economic boom of the post-World War II years had played itself out. Rates of profit were sagging in the industrialized economies of North America and Western Europe. In addition, the 1960s had seen broad criticism of the hollow materialism of the “affluent society” constructed during the consumer-driven boom of preceding decades. The result was what Hall and his colleagues, drawing on the theories of Antonio Gramsci, called an organic crisis: a breakdown that cut across all segments of society, from the economic “base” to the cultural “superstructure.”

In response to these interwoven economic and ideological crises, elites in Britain, the United States, and other developed countries gradually cobbled together the hegemonic project we now know as neo-liberalism. The lineaments of neo-liberalism of course included smashing institutions of working class power, shrinking and/or privatizing the redistributive arm of the state, and beefing up the state’s security apparatus. Hall and his colleagues called this approach popular authoritarianism.

A key element of popular authoritarianism, according to Policing the Crisis, was pinning the cause of the organic crisis on the figure of Black immigrant. Black communities had of course been hyper-exploited and, in tandem, economically marginalized for decades in Britain. Nevertheless, the underground economies that developed as a result were taken out of context and classified as criminal in a process that tended to pathologize entire communities and to treat criminality as a purely racial issue. Policing the Crisis elaborates a theory of Britain’s Black communities as part of an international surplus labor population whose outsider status allowed them to be demonized by British authorities in order to explain away their inability to establish a socially and economically just society. Both the Tories and the Labour Party cooperated in this scapegoating of Britain’s Black population, as a survey of the increasingly racialized elements of immigration legislation demonstrates. This sordid history of caving in to the extreme racial posturing of the Right makes much of the handwringing in Europe following the recent murderous rampage of Norwegian racialist Anders Breivik hypocritical at best.

Policing the Crisis remains relevant today. As Operation Trident and Razorback suggest, Black communities in Britain are still subject to heavy, racially targeted policing tactics. Despite the admission of institutional racism within the Metropolitan Police Service in the wake of the investigation of the killing of Stephen Lawrence in 1999, police still operate with total impunity.

Finally, authority figures continue to discuss criminality without any reference to the context of austerity and draconian cutbacks in the redistributive arm of the state that has prevailed for the last three decades, and that has intensified to an unprecedented level under the current Tory government.

The uprisings in London and other parts of Britain draw attention to these injustices, just as the Brixton uprising did several decades ago. Sustained organizing, in the media and on the ground, will be necessary in order to prevent the imposition of yet another round of popular authoritarianism in response to these uprisings.

Ashley Dawson is the author of Mongrel Nation: Diasporic Culture and the Making of Post-Colonial Britain and co-author with Malini Johar Schueller of "Exceptional State: Contemporary US Culture and the New Imperialism".

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Re: cancious blakk peeps london protest qwestians

<div class="ubbcode-block"><div class="ubbcode-header">Quote:</div><div class="ubbcode-body">In the face of these stereotypes, it’s worth remembering that the riots began on Saturday following a nonviolent community demonstration outside a Metropolitan Police Service (MPS) station in the North London neighborhood of Tottenham. This demonstration was organized to demand justice following the death of Mark Duggan, a young Black Briton shot by the police during a planned operation. <span style="font-weight: bold">The London police initially reported that Duggan had fired on them, but subsequent reports by the Independent Police Complaints Commission have revealed that a bullet lodged in a police radio was in fact issued by the Metropolitan Police Service]</span>.</div></div>

so wat de london bobby police report show iss dat police fired a bullet dat lodge inna addar police walkee talkee. plus de blakk man wass unarmed. soo itt look like de rumours dat police killed unarmed blakk man after imm start laffinn at dem keystone racial profilinn bobbys friendlee fire ting might be troo

so dem bobbys furst lie iss awlso xxposed cah oww cood ann unarmed blakk man fire pon dem. mii wandar wat else dem lieinn bout

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Re: cancious blakk peeps london protest qwestians

<div class="ubbcode-block"><div class="ubbcode-header">Originally Posted By: blakkgiant</div><div class="ubbcode-body">SENIOR MET OFFICER Steve Kavanagh has hit back at claims that officers, patrolling a peaceful protest in Tottenham on Saturday (Aug 6), attacked a 16-year-old girl, sparking violent riots in the north London borough.

The unidentified female is believed to have thrown a stone at a line of officers outside Tottenham police station during a march protesting the death of a 29-year-old Mark Duggan shot by police earlier in the week (Aug 4).

It is claimed that officers then hit the teen in the face with a baton before she was knocked to the ground, which angered the crowd.

In the minutes to follow two police cars were set on fire, which then sparked further violence and looting.

Asked about the rumors, Kavanagh said: “If that girl does exist, she hasn’t come forward.”

He added: “If the story is true then it will be investigated by the IPCC [independent police complaints commission] and the police to get to the bottom of it. It might be a folk tale, but we do not know yet.”

Footage of the alleged incident has emerged on the Internet, which shows onlookers screaming: “she’s a girl”, while another voice urges the crowd to “get” the police.

The teen is yet to come forward.

. </div></div>

so dem racial profilinn bobby wan a teenage gurl dat dem allegedlee abuse- <span style="font-weight: bold">rumurs iss dat dem lick ar inna ar face widd dem bantan ann den dem start kickinn ar wild shi wass pon de ground.</span> so dem waan ar fe cum inn so dem can verifii iff dat rumurs ar troo

dat mekk mii laff