blame oyinbo kulcha fe blakk crime

[blugiant]

focus on one bigot at a time....

y natt challenge imm assertsham dat de artikkle mii poas iss racist ann dat mii usinn racist retoorikk.

Some people actually believe that history is unimportant in academic life or the life of a people. But one of the things that brings the importance of history to mind very quickly is when you try to teach Black History in schools, watch the objection you et to teaching Black history and culture. If history were so unimportant and meaningless, why is it that we have such strong opposition to the teaching of African history and culture? Why is it that the powers that be define how history is taught and what history will be taught? It’s because they know intrinsically that history defines who we are. We are history. We cannot live in the future – the future is always in front of us. And the present is essentially the leading edge of the past. You don’t leave your past behind. The past lives in your brain; in your behavior; the way you see life and the way you see yourself. Everything that happens to you in the present is filtered through past experiences present in your mind. This means the past is operationally present at every moment If that past is distorted, if your perception of it is incorrect, if it’s absent. Then when you look at things in the present, your perception will be distorted. You will not be able to effectively use what your see right in front of your face.

point iss dat mii challenginn oyinbo argument pon blakk criminalitee being caused by blakk kulcha ann usinn histaree fe show oww oyinbo histaree distort blakk crime fe push oyinbo supremacee

Oh yes, definitely. You must recognize that consciousness is power; being aware, knowing something, and being able to do something is what consciousness is all about. This grants power. Remember, we act in terms of what we know, what we believe, what we expect, what we value, what skills we have. All of this is part of consciousness.

black consciousness iss bout undartandinn oww oyinbo kulcha iss being use fe serve oyinbo supremacee by distortinn blakk kulcha ann creatinn a false blakk consciousness

[RichD]

y natt challenge imm assertsham dat de artikkle mii poas iss racist ann dat mii usinn racist retoorikk.

because i just being snarky

[blugiant]

because i just being snarky

yess mii kno dat.

deer iss a pint yuh missinn

13 admendment "abolished" slaveree, xxcept as punishment fe crimes. dat created prison labour as a substitute fe slave labour. so oyinbo create statues fe criminalized blakks so dat dem cood continued slaveree. wen blakk peeps ann abolitionists started fe cumplain den oyinbo invented da cateegoree aff violent blakk crime stats fe defend da cantinue xxploitation aff blakk labour.

no da joke iss dem still usinn blakk crime stats fe justify racism ann blakk response iss to play inna oyinbo hand bye challenginn racist stats as flawed. mekk oyinbo defend da histaree ann da arigin aff da racist stats dem usinn

[blugiant]

Rooted in Slavery: Prison Labor Exploitation

Reprinted from RP&E Vol. 14, No. 2: Just Jobs? Organizing for Economic Justice

The United States has once again surpassed its own world record for incarcerating the highest percentage of its population. According to a report released by the Bureau of Prison Statistics, one out of every 32 adults was in prison, in jail, on probation, or on parole at the end of 2005. But the crisis of mass incarceration is not felt evenly in the United States: Race defines every aspect of the criminal justice system, from police targeting, to crimes charged, and rates of conviction. African American men between the ages of 20 and 39 account for nearly one-third of all sentenced prisoners.[1]

Over the last three decades, the explosion of the prison population in the United States paralleled the stagnation in the global economy. In the early 1970s, the United States and the G7 nations began implementing neoliberal policies, moving production from the North to the global South, pushing entire sectors of workers in the United States out of the economy. As the economic role of the working class in the United States shifted from manufacturing to staffing a rising service industry, African American workers faced staggering rates of unemployment. The mid-1970s is also the first period when the incarceration rate in the United States began to rise, doubling in the 1980s, and doubling again in the 1990s.

It may surprise some people that as the number of people without jobs increases, the number of working people actually increases—they become prison laborers. Everyone inside has a job. There are currently over 70 factories in California’s 33 prisons alone. Prisoners do everything from textile work and construction, to manufacturing and service work. Prisoners make shoes, clothing, and detergent; they do dental lab work, recycling, metal production, and wood production; they operate dairies, farms, and slaughterhouses.

United States Prisons mirror Free Enterprise Zones in Africa, Asia, and Latin America; the prison is a reflection of the Third World within the United States. Prisoners are not protected by minimum wage laws or overtime, and are explicitly barred from the right to organize and collectively bargain. In fact, the conditions for the overwhelmingly black and Latino men and women inside the United States prison system are so similar to that of workers in the maquiladoras and sweatshops of the global South that in 1995, Oregon politicians were even courting Nike to move their production from Indonesia into Oregon prisons. “We propose that (Nike) take a look at their transportation costs and their labor costs,” Oregon State Representative Kevin Mannix explained in an interview with researcher Reese Erlich, “We could offer [competitive] prison inmate labor” in Oregon.[2]

Rooted in Slavery
To understand the conditions that have allowed such an exploitative industry to develop, we have to look at the origin of the United States prison system itself. Before the abolition of slavery there was no real prison system in the United States. Punishment for crime consisted of physical torture, referred to as corporal or capital punishment. While the model prison in the United States was built in Auburn, New York in 1817, it wasn’t until the end of the Civil War, with the official abolition of slavery, that the prison system took hold.

In 1865, the 13th Amendment officially abolished slavery for all people except those convicted of a crime and opened the door for mass criminalization. Prisons were built in the South as part of the backlash to black Reconstruction and as a mechanism to re-enslave black workers. In the late 19th-century South, an extensive prison system was developed in the interest of maintaining the racial and economic relationship of slavery.
Louisiana’s famous Angola Prison illustrates this history best. In 1880, this 8000-acre family plantation was purchased by the state of Louisiana and converted into a prison. Slave quarters became cell units. Now expanded to 18,000 acres, the Angola plantation is tilled by prisoners working the land—a chilling picture of modern day chattel slavery.

Black Codes and Convict Leasing
When slavery was legally abolished, a new set of laws called the Black Codes emerged to criminalize legal activity for African Americans. Through the enforcement of these laws, acts such as standing in one area of town or walking at night, for example, became the criminal acts of “loitering” or “breaking curfew,” for which African Americans were imprisoned. As a result of Black Codes, the percentage of African Americans in prison grew exponentially, surpassing whites for the first time.[3]

A system of convict leasing was developed to allow white slave plantation owners in the South to literally purchase prisoners to live on their property and work under their control. Through this system, bidders paid an average $25,000 a year to the state, in exchange for control over the lives of all of the prisoners. The system provided revenue for the state and profits for plantation owners. In 1878, Georgia leased out 1,239 prisoners, and all but 115 were African American.[4]

Much like the system of slavery from which it emerged, convict leasing was a violent and abusive system. The death rate of prisoners leased to railroad companies between 1877 and 1879 was 16 percent in Mississippi, 25 percent in Arkansas, and 45 percent in South Carolina.[5] The stories of violence and torture eventually led to massive reform and abolition movements involving alliances between prisoner organizations, labor unions, and community groups. By the 1930s, every state had abolished convict leasing.[6]

Chain Gangs
As the southern states began to phase out convict leasing, prisoners were increasingly made to work in the most brutal form of forced labor, the chain gang. The chain gangs originated as a part of a massive road development project in the 1890s. Georgia was the first state to begin using chain gangs to work male felony convicts outside of the prison walls. Chains were wrapped around the ankles of prisoners, shackling five together while they worked, ate, and slept. Following Georgia’s example, the use of chain gangs spread rapidly throughout the South.[7]
For over 30 years, African American prisoners (and some white prisoners) in the chain gangs were worked at gunpoint under whips and chains in a public spectacle of chattel slavery and torture. Eventually, the brutality and violence associated with chain gang labor in the United States gained worldwide attention. The chain gang was abolished in every state by the l950s, almost 100 years after the end of the Civil War.[8]

Prison Labor Exploitation in the 21st Century
Just a few decades later, we are witnessing the return of all of these systems of prison labor exploitation. Private corporations are able to lease factories in prisons, as well as lease prisoners out to their factories. Private corporations are running prisons-for-profit. Government-run prison factories operate as multibillion dollar industries in every state, and throughout the federal prison system. In the most punitive and racist prison systems, we are even witnessing the return of the chain gang. Prisoner resistance and community organizing has been able to defeat some of these initiatives, but in Arizona, Maricopa County continues to operate the first women’s chain gang in the history of the United States.[9]

urbanhabitat.org/20years/browne

[lonewolf]

and balance that with this:Racial biasAmong the single-bias hate crime incidents in 2011, there were 3,645 victims of racially motivated hate crime.

• 71.9 percent were victims of an offender’s anti-black bias.
• 16.3 percent were victims of an anti-white bias.

Dis mak me laff...Spin Richy Rich...Spin away I have accomplished at least one goal...you have admitted Blu is a biggot, so progress has been made.And some more telling facts for you to ignore. Don't ya just love stats?Pat's comments from the bookThe Color of Crime: Race, Crime and Justice in America,” produced by the “right-leaning” New Century Foundation in 2005, using the same FBI and Justice surveys, startling facts emerge:

* “Blacks commit more violent crime against whites than against other blacks.” Forty-five percent of the victims of violent crime by blacks are white folks, 43 percent are black, 10 percent are Hispanic.* Blacks are seven times as likely as people of other races to commit murder, eight times more likely to commit robbery and three times more likely to use a gun in a crime.* “Blacks are an estimated 39 times more likely to commit violent crime against a white person than vice versa, and 136 times more likely to commit robbery.” (If decent black folks have trouble hailing a cab, and they do, these numbers may help explain it.)* Black-on-white rape is 115 times more common than the reverse.Even the two most famous sexual assaults by white men on black women in the last two decades ? the Tawana Brawley and Duke rape cases ? turned out to be hoaxes.What do these statistics tell us? A message the Post will not report. The real repository of racism in America ? manifest in violent interracial assault, rape and murder ? is to be found not in the white community, but the African-American community. In almost all interracial attacks, whites are the victims, not the victimizers

http://buchanan.org/blog/pjb-the-color-of-crime-826

[RichD]

Dis mak me laff...Spin Richy Rich...Spin away I have accomplished at least one goal...you have admitted Blu is a biggot, so progress has been made.And some more telling facts for you to ignore. Don't ya just love stats?Pat's comments from the bookThe Color of Crime: Race, Crime and Justice in America,” produced by the “right-leaning” New Century Foundation in 2005, using the same FBI and Justice surveys, startling facts emerge:http://buchanan.org/blog/pjb-the-color-of-crime-826

you should laff.... but at yourself. I posted numbers from your source report without comment and you calling it spin? and you post agenda driven " analysis" as "fact" . maybe you need to go on the same course Johnnycakes is taking.. you need to be able to recognize the difference between Opinion and fact.